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Book: ID no. (ISBN etc.):  0-19-927109-7 BibTeX citation key:  Cullicover2005
PETER W. CULLICOVER & RAY JACKENDOFF. 2005. Simpler Syntax. Oxford: Oxford University Press 0-19-927109-7.
Added by: sashi 2012-04-24 06:16:52    Last edited by: sashi 2012-04-25 01:50:44
 B  
Categories: linguistics
Keywords: binding, control, ellipsis, gapping, history of syntax, mainstream syntax, pseudo-sluicing, sluicing, syntax
Creators: Cullicover, Jackendoff
Publisher: Oxford University Press (Oxford)

Number of views:  181
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Abstract
Part I: Cutting Syntax Down to Size

§ 1. Why Simpler Syntax?
§§ 1.1 Different notions of simplicity
§§ 1.2 A sample argument: Bare Argument Ellipses
§§ 1.3 The goals of linguistic theory
§§ 1.4 The architecture of the grammar
§§§ 1.4.1 Constraints rather than derivations
§§§ 1.4.2 No "hidden levels" of syntax
§§§ 1.4.3 Multiple sources of combinatoriality
§§§ 1.4.4 Conceptual Structure
§§§ 1.4.5 Combinatorial autonomy of syntax and semantics
§§ 1.5 The continuum from words to rules; "syntactic nuts" and the core/periphery distinction
§§§ 1.5.1 Words that go in the wrong place
§§§ 1.5.2 Sluice-stranding
§§§ 1.5.3 Constructional idioms in the VP
§§ 1.6 Core grammar and its relation to UG

§ 2. How Did We Get Here? Principles and Early History
§§ 2.1 Principles of argumentation in mainstream syntax
§§§ 2.1.1 General considerations
§§§ 2.1.2 Uniformity
§§§ 2.1.3 A consequence of Occam's Razor applied locally
§§ 2.2 Syntactic Structures through early PPT: tranformational passive and its consequences
§§§ 2.2.1 Uniform lexical projection and passive
§§§ 2.2.2 The Structure-Preserving Hypothesis
§§§ 2.2.3 Raising to Subject
§§§ 2.2.4 (No) Raising to object
§§§ 2.2.5 Government and binding
§§§ 2.2.6 Trace theory and quantifier movement

§ 3. Later History of Mainstream Syntax
§§ 3.1 Late PPT: UTAH, Head Movement, and Beyond
§§§ 3.1.1 UTAH and its consequences
§§§ 3.1.2 Further consequences of Head Movement
§§§ 3.1.3 Branching
§§§ 3.1.4 Agreement through movement
§§ 3.2 The Minimalist Program
§§§ 3.2.1 Perfection
§§§ 3.2.2 Derivational Economy
§§ 3.3 Uniformity entails Generative Semantics
§§§ 3.3.1 MP meets GS
§§§ 3.3.2 Classic cases
§§§ 3.3.3 How is this possible?
§§ 3.4 The alternative

§ 4. Flat Structure
§§ 4.1 Introduction
§§ 4.2 Overview of Syntactic Structure
§§ 4.3 In-principle arguments for binary branching
§§§ 4.3.1 Learnability
§§§ 4.3.2 Binary branching as a desideratum of minimalism
§§§ 4.3.3 C-command and quantifier binding
§§ 4.4 Empirical arguments for right-branching
§§§ 4.4.1 The structure of the evidence
§§§ 4.4.2 Binding of anaphors
§§§ 4.4.3 C-command and quantifier binding
§§ 4.5 Arguments for left-branching
§§§ 4.5.1 Basic arguments from VP anaphora
§§§ 4.5.2 Arguments/adjuncts in VP
§§§ 4.5.3 Small clauses
§§ 4.6 NP structure
§§§ 4.6.1 NP complements
§§§ 4.6.2 NP specifiers
§§ 4.7 A sketch of English Phrase structure

Part II: The Syntax-Semantics Interface

§ 5. Basic Clause Structure
§§ 5.1 Looking ahead
§§ 5.2 Overview of CS
§§ 5.3 Carving out the words and morphemes
§§ 5.4 Default principles for determining syntactic embedding
§§ 5.5 Constraining (most of) linear order
§§ 5.6 What a verb can say about its arguments
§§§ 5.6.1 Obligatory vs. optional semantic arguments
§§§ 5.6.2 Category of syntactic arguments
§§§ 5.6.3 Direct vs. oblique NP arguments
§§§ 5.6.4 Syntactic argument structure alternations
§§ 5.7 Hierarchical linking of direct NP arguments

§ 6. The Grammatical Function Tier
§§ 6.1 The need for grammatical functions
§§ 6.2 The Grammatical Function tier and Raising
§§§ 6.2.1 Some basic cases
§§§ 6.2.2 Absent subjects: Controlled VPs and pro-drop
§§§ 6.2.3 Dummy subjects
§§§ 6.2.4 Raising
§§ 6.3 Passive
§§§ 6.3.1 Standard cases and interaction with raising
§§§ 6.3.2 Passive VPs as complements and modifiers
§§§ 6.3.3 Prepositional passives: extensions of the GF-tier to oblique arguments
§§§ 6.3.4 Passives that skip over arguments
§§§ 6.3.5 Things that don't undergo passive
§§ 6.4 Binding of the reflexives in the GF-tier
§§ 6.5 Bells and whistles
§§§ 6.5.1 The light verb construction
§§§ 6.5.2 VP constructions
§§§ 6.5.3 Coercions
§§ 6.6 Concluding Remarks

§ 7. Bare Argument Ellipses and its Relatives
§§ 7.1 Introduction
§§ 7.2 Nonsentential utterance types
§§ 7.3 Problems for a syntactic account of bare argument ellipsis
§§ 7.4 Reasons to believe syntax is involved in BAE
§§ 7.5 The generalization behind indirect licencing
§§ 7.6 A mechanism for indirect licensing
§§ 7.7 Sluicing and sluice-stranding
§§ 7.8 Gapping
§§§ 7.8.1 Reasons why gapping cannot be syntactic deletion
§§§ 7.8.2 Gapping as double BAE
§§§ 7.8.3 The gapped fragment is not an S

§ 8. VP Ellipsis and its Relatives
§§ 8.1 Do X anaphora, it happen anaphora, VP ellipsis, psuedo-gapping and one-anaphora
§§§ 8.1.1 The facts
§§§ 8.1.2 Reasons not to derive the constructions from full VPs
§§§ 8.1.3 Treatment of the constructions in terms of indirect licensing
§§§ 8.1.4 Pseudo-gapping
§§ 8.2 Some arguments that VP ellipsis must be syntactic deletion
§§ 8.3 Summary of chapters 7 and 8

§ 9. Discontinuous Dependencies
§§ 9.1 There is no A' movement
§§ 9.2 Wh-questions
§§§ 9.2.1 Simple wh-questions
§§§ 9.2.2 Comparison of movement and non-movement
§§§ 9.2.3 In situ wh and pied-piping
§§ 9.3 Other wh-constructions
§§§ 9.3.1 The signature of a long-distance dependency
§§§ 9.3.2 Other wh-constructions in English
§§§ 9.3.3 Chains and wh- in situ
§§ 9.4 Island constraints
§§§ 9.4.1 Against intermediate traces of movement
§§§ 9.4.2 Slash-categories
§§§ 9.4.3 Where do constraints come from?
§§§ 9.4.4 Semantic constraints on long-distance dependencies
§§§ 9.4.5 Topicalization, left and right dislocation, and connectivity
§§ 9.5 Tough movement
§§ 9.6 Other candidates for movement
§§ 9.6.1 Heavy shift
§§ 9.6.2 Scrambling
§§ 9.7 Summary

Part III: Binding and Control

§ 10. Mme Tussaud meets the Binding Theory
§§ 10.1 Introduction
§§ 10.2 The Problem
§§ 10.3 Interaction of the statue rule with binding
§§ 10.4 The Pragmatic Option
§§ 10.5 The Syntactic Option
§§§ 10.5.1 Interaction of the Syntactic Option with binding
§§§ 10.5.2 A deletion can't work anyway
§§§ 10.5. An apparently better version of the Syntactic Option
§§ 10.6 The Interface Option
§§ 10.7 Reconceiving Binding Theory
§§ 10.8 Formalizing and generalizing parts of Principle 'A'cs
§§§ 10.8.1 The 'statue' sentences and other coercions
§§§ 10.8.2 Verbs whose meanings involve representations or information
§§§ 10.8.3 Final remarks

§ 11. Something else for the Binding Theory
§§ 11.1 Introduction
§§ 11.2 How else behaves
§§ 11.3 Contra-indexing and extended anaphora
§§§ 11.3.1 Against contra-indexing
§§§ 11.3.2 Quantifier + else is compositional
§§§ 11.3.3 Condition C and Crossover
§§§ 11.3.3 Sloppy identity
§§ 11.4 Else is not other than α in syntax
§§ 11.4.1 Syntactic reconstruction is not possible with "extended anaphors"
§§ 11.4.2 Syntactic reconstruction is impossible because there need be no possible syntactic realization
§§ 11.4.3 The reconstructed antecedent of else need not be a constituent in syntax
§§ 11.4.4 Putting the pieces together
§§ 11.5 Summary

§ 12. The Semantics Basis of Control in English
§§ 12.1 Introduction
§§ 12.2 A typology of control
§§ 12.3 Actional complements
§§ 12.4 Unique control by objects and by subjects
§§ 12.5 Toward a semantically based theory of unique control
§§ 12.6 Coercion that shifts control
§§ 12.7 Partial Control and the joint intention coercion
§§ 12.8 Further problems
§§ 12.9 Conclusions

Part IV: Connections between Clauses

§ 13. Semantic Subordination Despite Syntactic Coordination
§§ 13.1 Introduction
§§ 13.2 A conditional read of and
§§ 13.3 LS-and
§§ 13.4 Interactions with binding
§§ 13.5 Extraction
§§ 13.6 Inversion and extraction within main clause S-and(LS)-S
§§ 13.7 Assymetric coordination ≠ semantic subordination
§§ 13.8 Summary

§ 14. The View from the Periphery: The English Comparative Correlative
§§ 14.1 Introduction to the CC construction
§§ 14.2 Evidence for the left-subordinate hypothesis
§§ 14.3 Evidence for the paratactic hypothesis
§§ 14.4 The internal structure of CC-clauses
§§§ 14.4.1 The subject requirement and be-omission in CC-clauses
§§§ 14.4.2 The usual constraints on long-distance dependency
§§§ 14.4.3 The upper end of the long-distance dependency
§§§ 14.4.4 Behavior of 'the more' compared to other specifiers of AP
§§ 14.5 Binding
§§ 14.6 Extraction from CC
§§ 14.7 Summary and consequences for UG

§15 What is Language Like? Moving On
§§ 15.1 Where have we gotten?
§§ 15.2 Special properties of the present approach
§§ 15.3 Two aesthetics
§§ 15.4 Where do we go from here?
Added by: sashi    Last edited by: sashi

 
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